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书名:不能说的秘密|作者:笑无语|本书类别:古言|更新时间:02:13:13|字数:3896字

一 |     

Trade File photo: VCG
    Trade File photo: VCG
Months-long American export license delays are costing the US billions in exports and eroding American market share globally, the US-China Business Council (USCBC) said in a flash survey released on Tuesday.
The survey noted that poorly calibrated US export controls weaken American companies in China, ceding market share to foreign competitors while reducing the profits available for research and development (R&D). 
Designed originally to safeguard national security and serve legitimate foreign policy interests, the US export licensing system has become increasingly politicized, gradually turning into a political tool that obstructs normal economic and trade exchanges. The USCBC survey serves as a stark reminder of how such overreach has backfired on American companies.
In recent years, US politicians have clung to the misplaced belief that restricting exports of advanced goods and core technologies would slow the upgrading of China's tech industry and secure America's technological supremacy. Yet, they overestimated their leverage, while grossly underestimating the developmental resilience that China has built over decades of growth.
Today's China is no longer a passive follower or technology importer. Instead, it has grown into a robust innovation powerhouse with complete industrial chains and strong endogenous driving forces in numerous key technological sectors. Rather than stifling China's technological progress, America's escalating containment measures have only forced China to accelerate industrial upgrading and supply chain optimization.
In the meantime, while US politicians have been indulging in the illusion of building a "tech wall" through licensing restrictions, the self-inflicted damage to the US has grown increasingly impossible to ignore. Reuters reported in August 2025 that thousands of license applications by US companies to export goods and technology around the globe, including to China, were in limbo because turmoil at the agency in charge of approving them had left it nearly paralyzed.
The USCBC survey also listed license delays as the most common challenge identified by 95 percent of companies. For items bound for Chinese customers, two-thirds of companies have had licenses pending for at least three months, exceeding the US Commerce Department's statutory requirements to process applications within 90 days, and 31 percent have had licenses pending for one to two years.
As a result, American tech companies can only watch helplessly as orders that once belonged to them flow to suppliers in other countries. These licensing delays not only impose administrative costs far exceeding expectations, but also severely disrupt normal cross‑border commerce. From semiconductor components to high‑end industrial materials, and from aerospace ancillary products to cutting‑edge research instruments, countless routine trade transactions have been artificially severed. The market advantages that US firms took years to forge is being eroded by the very policies meant to protect them.
From a deeper economic perspective, the export licensing system is particularly lethal to America's innovation ecosystem. Usually, companies allocate a significant portion of their revenue to R&D and technological innovation. However, if the products resulting from these investments cannot be sold in a major market, investment returns will be affected, and the incentive for companies to continue investing in innovation will be undermined. As underscored by the USCBC survey, the export licensing regime diminishes America's ability to innovate and undermines US economic security.
In trying to contain China's industrial rise, the US has ended up undermining its own interests, laying bare the fundamental divide between two development paths. On one hand, the US attempts to fragment global industrial chains through administrative intervention, trade barriers and technological "decoupling" to sustain its dominant position. Yet, such obstructive practices only undermine the competitiveness of domestic industries and weaken America's own innovative vitality.
On the other side, China adheres to high-standard opening-up and win-win cooperation. By continuously opening its vast domestic market and providing foreign companies with a stable business environment, China has built a mutually beneficial global industrial collaboration network. China understands that genuine competitiveness comes from sustained independent innovation, sophisticated industrial supporting systems and market vitality. Precisely because China has chosen to expand openness and deepen cooperation, it has demonstrated remarkable resilience in the face of external containment and constructed a globally integrated supply network.
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文 | 李舒祺在足球世界,平衡家庭和职业是不少人的难题。

二 | 近日,NWSL卫冕冠军哥谭足球俱乐部的主教练阿莫罗斯(Juan Carlos Amorós)离队休5周育儿假之前,被频繁问及如何兼顾工作和家庭;比利时球星多库孩子预产期恰好撞上世界杯,陪伴孩子出生的他离队了几天,就被讽刺「离开世界杯就为了剪脐带」?男性免不了被指指点点,女性的处境只会更加艰难——她们要面对的不只是舆论,有的更是付出了整个职业生涯的代价。

三 | 不过,好在已有女性愿意站出来。冰岛传奇球员贡纳斯多蒂尔(Sara Björk Gunnarsdóttir)曾7次当选冰岛足球小姐,两度荣膺冰岛年度运动员。2021年3月怀孕之际,她效力于奥林匹克里昂这家顶级女足俱乐部。俱乐部曾承诺全力支持她,但两个月过去,她没拿到一分钱工资。

四 | 她去问队友,发现大家都有工资,只有自己没有。贡纳斯多蒂尔作为欧冠七冠王的一员,与金球奖级别的队友并肩战斗的她,从未设想过自己会处于如此境地。经纪人不断找俱乐部讨说法,法国职业球员工会介入后,国际职业足球运动员联合会(FIFPRO)也介入了。讨薪时间从几周变成了几个月,情况依然没有改善,国际职业足球运动员联合会准备在国际足联层面提起诉讼。

五 | 里昂女足总监蓬索(Vincent Ponsot)却称:「如果把这件事带去国际足联,你在里昂不会有未来。」「这本该是我人生中最幸福的时刻。我只想好好享受我的孕期,然后回到球队,做出贡献。」加盟里昂本是她的梦想。在欧冠决赛中进球,与里昂一道登顶是她职业生涯中最引以为傲的时刻。可惜这个故事终于还是要画上句号。

六 | 2019/20赛季女足欧冠决赛赛后贡纳斯多蒂尔与队友庆祝2022年5月,国际足联争议解决委员会责令里昂支付贡纳斯多蒂尔怀孕期间直至产假开始前的全额工资。争议解决委员会强调俱乐部「照护义务」的缺失:怀孕期间俱乐部没有联系她,没有跟进她的情况,更没有关注她的身心健康——无论是作为员工,还是作为一个人。收到裁决理由后,这支刚刚加冕为八冠王的球队决定不再上诉。

七 | 贡纳斯多蒂尔赢了。

八 | 更重要的是,她给整个足坛上了一课:女球员不该被迫在「成为母亲」和「继续踢球」之间二选一。贡纳斯多蒂尔与孩子国际职业足球运动员联合会2017年发布的报告显示,只有2%的女足球员是母亲,47%的女足球员为了组建家庭提前退役。国际职业足球运动员联合会新任法律总监布鲁内沃德(Alexandra Gomez Bruinewoud)遗憾地承认:「我们曾查阅是否有体育项目在国际层面规范孕产权益,结果发现并没有。」很快,布鲁内沃德所在的协会便制定了一份政策文件,提交给国际足联。2024年6月1日,国际足联公布了关于职业女性球员和教练工作条件的新规定,重点关注孕产权益。同年,国际职业足球运动员联合会发布了《产后重返赛场指南》,旨在帮助运动员更好度过怀孕及产后阶段。贡纳斯多蒂尔就是参与制定该指南的工作组成员之一。贡纳斯多蒂尔树立了一座丰碑联赛层面,情况也有所改善。WSL球员产假前14周可以拿到100%周薪;带薪产假之外,NWSL的集体协议已经把建家福利、育儿补贴、心理健康假等纳入球员保障体系;Liga F的集体协议更是点明,合同最后一年怀孕的球员有权以同等条件续约一年,且俱乐部必须设置托儿所和哺乳室……女子足球真正的进步,不只是踢更多比赛、赚更多钱。

九 | 正如贡纳斯多蒂尔所言:「这不仅仅是生意。更关乎一名劳动者、一名女性和一个人。」

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